Cognitive Ethology: Slayers, Skeptics and Proponents
Marc Bekoff and Colin Allen. 1997. In: Anthropomorphism, Anecdotes and Animals: The Emporers New Clothes? RW Mitchessl, N. Thompson and L. Miles, editors. State University Press of New York State, NY. 313-334
It is very useful for cognitive ethologists to engage in some introspection concerning how their fields of interest are viewed. As a result of our inquiry, different views on animal cognition have become clarified. As proponents we argue that there are many reasons for studying cognitive ethology from comparative and evolutionary perspectives.2Many models in ethology and behavioral ecology presuppose cognition, and it is useful to have an informed idea about the types of knowledge nonhumans have about their social and nonsocial environments and how they use this information (Yoerg, 1991; Real, 1992). The assumption of animal minds also leads to testable hypotheses about, and more rigorous empirical analyses of, behavioral flexibility and behavioral adaptation. From the applied (and perhaps political) side of things, views on animal minds are tightly linked to issues that center on animal welfare (Bekoff & Jamieson, 1991; Bekoff et al., 1992) and human dignity (Rachels, 1990; see also references in note 1). Contrary to G. Allen (1987, quotations above) who thinks that closing the gap between human and nonhuman animals will lower the value placed on humans, we think that closing the gap might raise the value placed on nonhumans.
Studying animal cognition is not easy. As Yoerg (1992, p. 831) notes: "It is isn't a project I'd recommend to anyone without tenure." Clearly, proponents do not accept that cognition is a phenomenon associated only with captivity. While proponents are aware of the need to be critical, they also recognize that an extensive data base of cognitive ethological investigations will not be built rapidly, because of the demanding types of research that are required in the study of animal cognition, especially under field conditions. Patience is needed, as Jonathan Bennett (1978, p. 560) noted in his discussion of Griffin's (1978) earlier views.
Just because I find G[riffin]'s campaign so sympathetic, and so many of his details interesting and persuasive, I would like to urge upon him the importance of circumspection--of a patient, continuous attention to conceptual foundations. (Bennett, 1978, p. 560)
Future data from comparative analyses of animal cognition, along with existing information, should help us along in developing what some people think the field of cognitive ethology needs, namely, an integrative model or theory (Whiten 1992) not concentrated solely on primates (Beck, 1982; Bekoff, 1995; Bekoff et al., 1994). Perhaps it is the lack of an integrative theory of cognitive ethology and the presence of one in evolutionary biology that is responsible for many people dismissing tenuous cognitive ethological explanations but accepting often equally tenuous evolutionary tales (Myers, 1990, pp. 211ff; Hurlbert, 1992; Jamieson & Bekoff, 1993).
Our analysis of criticism of cognitive ethology as a scientific discipline has also revealed the large extent to which critics depend on philosophical views about the nature of mind. Considering the open disdain that several of these critics have for philosophers, this is ironic indeed; see, for example, Kennedy's (1991, p. 92)ad hominemagainst "the ethological philosopher Dennett, who seems perhaps to be embracing genuine anthropomorphism like Dunbar, albeit more obscurely and at prodigious length." By exposing the extent to which slayers and skeptics rely on contentious philosophical views uncritically adopted, we hope to warn against facile arguments to the effect that cognitive ethology is unscientific. We believe that this conclusion could only be based on careful analysis of the specific empirical practices of ethologists. We also think it worth pointing out that arguments against cognitive ethology appear to operate at the level of the paradigm (Kuhn, 1970) rather than at the level of the ordinary scientific practices of cognitive ethologists. We suspect that the stands against mentalistic concepts, anthropomorphism, and parsimony which many critics display are likely to be as much the product of socialization (e.g. graduate student training) as rational deliberation. Hence there may be support for Kuhn's views about the importance of sociological factors in the development of a young science.
There are no substitutes for careful and rigorous observational and experimental studies of animal cognition and detailed analyses of subtle behavior patterns that often go unnoticed. Cognitive ethologists are now able to exploit techniques like experimental playbacks of vocalizations to conduct controlled studies under field conditions (e.g., Seyfarth, Cheney, & Marler, 1980; Cheney & Seyfarth, 1990; for other examples see Allen & Hauser, 1991; Ristau, 1991a; Real, 1992); the range of experiments made possible by such techniques means that there can be no easy dismissal of modern cognitive ethology on the grounds that it is anecdotal or lacks empirical rigor. Thus, we do not think that modern cognitive ethology will suffer the same fate as pre-behaviorist cognitivism. People should not come to cognitive ethology with axes to grind. Interdisciplinary input is necessary for us to gain a broad view of animal cognition. Philosophers need to be clear when they tell us about what they think about animal minds and those who carefully study animal behavior need to tell philosophers what we know, what we are able to do, and how we go about doing our research. Cognitive ethologists should put their noses to the grindstone and welcome the fact that they are dealing with difficult, but phenomenally interesting, questions. We hope that all views of cognitive ethology will remain open to change.
Another issue that bears on studies of both animal cognition and animal welfare concerns the naming of animals, for this practice is often taken to be nonscientific (Bekoff, 1993c). Historically, it is interesting to note the Jane Goodall's first scientific paper dealing with her research on the behavior of chimpanzees was returned by the Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences because she named, rather than numbered, the chimpanzees who she watched. This journal also wanted her to refer to the chimpanzees using "it" or "which" rather than "he" or "she" (Montgomery, 1991, pp. 104-105; see also Myers, 1990, pp. 199ff; Peters, 1991; Davis & Balfour, 1992; Jamieson & Bekoff, 1993; Phillips, 1993). Goodall refused to make the requested changes but her paper was published anyway. As pointed out elsewhere (Bekoff, 1993b), the words ""it" and "which" are typically used for inanimate objects. Given that the goal of many studies of animal cognition is to come to terms with animals' subjective experiences--the animals' points of view--making animals subjects rather than objects seems a move in the right direction.
Studies where individuals are named typically involve small numbers of animals, thus raising worries about sample size--that what is being presented is anecdotal evidence rather than data. But, some general points can be made concerning sample size--specifically single subject research--in studies of animal cognition. If we want to come to a better understanding of the animals' points of view, then working on a limited number of individuals would facilitate these efforts because research on animal cognition is extremely time consuming and often tedious. Furthermore, providing appropriate care for certain species may be more difficult than for others, and concern for animal welfare might also enter in decisions concerning sample size. Regardless of the reasons, many studies of animal cognition involve very detailed analyses, based on observation and experiment, of the behavior of only one, or of a few, animals. However understanding points of view also entails understanding differences among individuals, and not only the behavior of individuals who are assumed to be representative of their species. Inferences made from averaging the behavior of many organisms can be misleading, especially in species in which individual differences in behavior are the rule rather than the exception.
Questions that need to be considered include: (1) Why does it seem to be permissible--in the sense of being scientifically acceptable--to study a single ape, a lone parrot, a few monkeys, or a few dolphins, whereas studies involving a few dogs, cats, or rodents are generally frowned upon? (2) How does sample size relate to the goals of a given study? For example, if an evolutionary or ecological account of cognition is desired, would we be better off studying more animals in less detail to gain normative information in which would be contained data on species-typical ranges of behavior? If we want to learn more about the potential cognitive skills of a given individual or class of individuals, who might or might not represent her species, would we be better off studying fewer animals in great detail?
Often, one of us (MB) is asked why he concentrates on his companion dog, Jethro, when making general points about social play in canids. The reason is that while MB hasconsiderably more data on other canids, using Jethro's behavior as an instance of some of the general characteristics of social play makes discussion of the phenomenon of social play more accessible to those who are not familiar with other canids or individuals belonging to other species in which play has been described..On one occasion MB asked what people would think if he had data only for Jethro; most people thought that this would make for weak arguments concerning the cognitive aspects of social play behavior.
Then, when MB asked about the use of single subjects in different types of studies of animal cognition, people reconsidered their hasty response to the question of the use of a single (or a few) domestic dogs in studies of animal cognition. Questions concerning sample size are not easy to answer. The goals of a given study, the accessibility of the animals being used, the type of care that captive individuals require, and the nature of the questions being asked are among the variables that need to be considered in answers to the question of what constitutes an adequate sample.2 One goal of these sorts of studies would be to collect data that can be analyzed applying the rigorous methods that have been used in comparative and evolutionary analyses of other phenotypes (e.g. Gittleman & Luh, 1993).
Alcock, J. (1992). Review of Griffin 1992. Natural History, September, 62-65.
Allen, C. (1992a.) Mental content. British Journal of the Philosophy of Science, 43, 537-553.
Allen, C. (1992b). Mental content and evolutionary explanation. Biology & Philosophy, 7, 1-12.
Allen, C. & Bekoff, M. (1993). Intentionality, social play, and definition. Biology and Philosophy, 9, 63-74.
Allen, C. & Hauser, M. D. (1991). Concept attribution in nonhuman animals: Theoretical and methodological problems in ascribing complex mental processes. Philosophy of Science, 58, 221-240.
Allen, C. & Hauser, M. D. (1993). Communication and cognition: Is information the connection? Philosophy of Science Association, 2, 81-91.
Allen, G. (1987). Materialism and reductionism in the study of animal consciousness. In G. Greenberg & E. Tobach (Eds.), Cognition, language, and consciousness: integrative levels (pp. 137-160). Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Archer, J. (1992). Ethology and human development. London: Barnes and Noble.
Asquith, T. J. (1984). The inevitability and utility of anthropomorphism in description of primate behaviour. In R. Harré & V.Reynolds (Eds.), The meaning of primate signals (pp. 138-174). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Beck, B. B. (1982). Chimpocentrism: bias in cognitive ethology. Journal of Human Evolution, 11, 3-17.
Beer, C. (1992.) Conceptual issues in cognitive ethology. Advances in the Study of Behavior, 21, 69-109.
Bekoff, M. (1993a). Review of Griffin 1992. Ethology, 95, 166-170.
Bekoff, M. (1993b). Experimentally induced infanticide: The removal of females and its ramifications. Auk, 110, 404-406.
Bekoff, M. (1993c). Should scientists bond with the animals who they use? Why not? Psycoloquy, 3 (37), 1-8.
Bekoff, M. (1995). Cognitive ethology and the explanation of nonhuman animal behavior. In J.-A. Meyer & H. Roitblat (Eds.), Comparative Approaches to Cognitive Science. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Bekoff, M. & Allen, C. (1992). Intentional icons: towards an evolutionary cognitive ethology. Ethology, 91, 1-16.
Bekoff, M., & Gruen, L. (1993). Animal welfare and individual charateristics: A conversation against speciesism. Ethics & Behavior, 3, 163-175.
Bekoff, M., Gruen, J., Townsend, S. E., & Rollin, B. E. (1992). Animals in science: some areas revisited. Animal Behaviour, 44, 473-484.
Bekoff, M. & Jamieson, D. (1990a). (Ed.) Interpretation and explanation in the study of animal behavior: Vol. 1, Interpretation, intentionality, and communication. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
Bekoff, M. & Jamieson, D. (1990b). (Ed.) Interpretation and explanation in the study of animal behavior: Vol. 2, Explanation, evolution, and adaptation. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
Bekoff, M. & Jamieson, D. (1991). Reflective ethology, applied philosophy, and the moral status of animals. Perspectives in Ethology, 9, 1-47.
Bekoff, M., Townsend, S. E., & Jamieson, D. (1994). Beyond monkey minds: towards a richer cognitive ethology. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 17, 571-572.
Bennett, J. (1978). Some remarks about concepts. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 4, 557-560.
Bennett, J. (1991). How to read minds in behaviour: a suggestion from a philosopher. In A. Whiten (Ed.), Natural theories of mind: Evolution, development and simulation of everyday mindreading (pp. 97-108). Cambridge, Mass.: Basil Blackwell.
Burghardt, G. M. (1991). Cognitive ethology and critical anthropomorphism: a snake with two heads and hognose snakes that play dead. In C. A. Ristau (Ed.), Cognitive ethology: The minds of other animals. Essays in honor of Donald R. Griffin (pp. 53-90). Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Byrne, R. & Whiten, A. (Ed.) (1988). Machiavellian intelligence: Social expertise and the evolution of intellect in monkeys, apes, and humans. New York: Oxford University Press.
Carruthers, P. (1989). Brute experience. Journal of Philosophy, 86, 258-269.
Cheney, D. L. & Seyfarth, R. M. (1990). How monkeys see the world: Inside the mind of another species. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Cheney, D. L. & Seyfarth, R. M. (1992). Précis of How monkeys see the world: Inside the mind of another species. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 15, 135-182.
Clark, S. R. L. (1991). Not so dumb friends. The Times Literary Supplement, 13 December, 5-6.
Colgan, P. (1989). Animal motivation. New York: Chapman and Hall.
Cronin, H. (1992). Review of Griffin 1992. New York Times Book Review, 1 November, 14.
Davis, H., & Balfour, A. D. (1992). The inevitable bond. In H. Davis & D. Balfour (Eds.), The inevitable bond: Examining scientist-animal interactions (pp. 1-5). New York, Cambridge University Press.
Dennett, D. C. (1983). Intentional systems in cognitive ethology: The "Panglossian paradigm" defended. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 6, 343-390.
Dennett, D. C. (1987). Reflections: Interpreting monkeys, theorists, and genes. In The intentional stance (pp. 269-286). Cambridge: MIT Press.
Dennett, D. C. (1991). Consciousness explained. Boston: Little, Brown and Company.
Epstein, R. (1987). Reflections on thinking in animals. In G. Greenberg and E. Tobach (Eds.), Cognition, language, and consciousness: Integrative levels (pp. 19- 29). Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Estep, D. Q., & Hetts, S. (1992) Interactions, relationships, and bonds: The conceptual basis for scientist-animal interactions. In H. Davis & D. Balfour (Eds.), The inevitable bond: Examining scientist-animal interactions (pp. 6-26). New York, Cambridge University Press.
Fentress, J. C. (1992). The covalent animal: On bonds and their boundaries in behavioral research. In H. Davis & D. Balfour (Eds.), The inevitable bond: Examining scientist-animal interactions (pp. 44-71). New York, Cambridge University Press.
Fisher, J. A. (1990). The myth of anthropomorphism. In M. Bekoff & D. Jamieson (Eds.), Interpretation and explanation in the study of animal behavior: Vol. 1, Interpretation, intentionality, and communication (pp. 96-116). Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
Fisher, J. A. (1991). Disambiguating anthropomorphism: an interdisciplinary review. Perspectives in Ethology, 9, 49-85.
Fodor, J. (1974). Special sciences. Synthese, 28, 77-115.
Galef, B. G., Jr. (1990). An adaptationist perspective on social learning, social feeding, and social foraging in Norway rats. In D. A. Dewsbury (Ed.), Contemporary Issues in Comparative Psychology (pp. 55-79). Sunderland, Massachusetts: Sinauer Associates, Inc.
Gittleman, J. L., & Luh, H.-K. (1993). Phylogeny, evolutionary models, and comparative methods: A simulation study. In P. Eggleton & D. Vane-Wright (Eds.),
Pattern and Process: Phylogenetic approaches to ecological problems. London: Academic Press. In press.
Griffin, D. R. (1976). The question of animal awareness: Evolutionary continuity of mental experience. New York: The Rockefeller University Press.
Griffin, D. R. (1977). Anthropomorphism. BioScience, 27, 445-446.
Griffin, D. R. (1978). Prospects for a cognitive ethology. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 4, 527-538.
Griffin, D. R. (1981). The question of animal awareness: Evolutionary continuity of mental experience. Second Edition. New York: The Rockefeller University Press.
Griffin, D. R. (1984). Animal thinking. Cambridge: Harvard University. Press.
Griffin, D. R. (1992). Animal minds. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Gustafson, D. (1986). Review of Griffin 1984. Environmental Ethics, 8, 179-182.
Hailman, J. P. (1978). Review of D. R. Griffin 1976. Auk, 95, 614-615.
Heyes, C. (1987a). Cognisance of consciousness in the study of animal knowledge. In W. Callebaut & R. Pinxten (eds.), Evolutionary epistemology (pp. 105-136). The Netherlands: D. Reidel.
Heyes, C. (1987b). Contrasting approaches to the legitimation of intentional language within comparative psychology. Behaviorism, 15, 41-50.
Houston, A. I. (1990). Review of Colgan 1989. Quarterly Review of Biology, 65, 383.
Humphrey, N. (1977). Review of Griffin 1976. Animal Behaviour, 25, 521-522.
Huntingford, F. (1985). Review of Griffin 1984. Animal Behaviour, 34, 1905-1906.
Hurlbert, E. M. 1992. Equivalence and the adaptationist program. Ecological Modeling, 64, 305-329.
Jamieson, D. & Bekoff, M. (1992a). Carruthers on nonconscious experience. Analysis 52, 23-28.
Jamieson, D. & Bekoff, M. (1992b). Some problems and prospects for cognitive ethology. Between The Species, 8, 80-82.
Jamieson, D. & Bekoff, M. (1993). On aims and methods of cognitive ethology. Philosophy of Science Association, 2, 110-124.
Johnson, E. (1991). Carruthers on consciousness and moral status. Between The Species, 7, 190-193.
Kamil, A. C., & Clements, K. C. (1990). Learning, memory, and foraging behavior. In D. A. Dewsbury (Ed.), Contemporary Issues in Comparative Psychology (pp. 7- 30). Sunderland, Massachusetts: Sinauer Associates, Inc.
Kennedy, J. S. (1992). The new anthropomorphism. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Kim, J. (1984). Epiphenomenal and supervenient causation. Midwestern Studies in Philosophy, 4, 9, 257-270.
Kuhn, T. S. (1970). The structure of scientific revolutions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Kummer, H., Dasser, V., & Hoyningen-Huene, P. (1990). Exploring primate social cognition: some critical remarks. Behaviour, 112, 84-98.
Leahy, M. P. T. (1991). Against liberation: Putting animals in perspective. New York: Routledge.
Lehman, H. (1992). Scientist-animal bonding: Some philosophical reflections. In H. Davis & D. Balfour (Eds.), The inevitable bond: Examining scientist-animal interactions (pp. 383-396). New York, Cambridge University Press.
Levvis, G. W. (1992). Why we would not understand a talking lion. Between The Species, 8, 156-162.
Levvis, M. A. (1992). The value of judgments regarding the value of animals. Between The Species, 8, 150-155.
Lynch, J. J. (1992). Toward An Interspecific Psychology. Ph.D. Dissertation. Claremont, California: The Claremont Graduate School.
Mason, W. A. (1976). Review of Griffin 1976. Science, 194, 930-931.
Mason, W. A. (1979). Environmental models and mental modes: representational processes in the great apes. In D. A. Hamburg & E. R. McCown (Eds.), The Great Apes (pp. 277-293). Menlo Park, California: The Benjamin/Cummins Publishing Company.
McFarland, D. (1989a). Review of Colgan 1989. Ethology, 83, 170-171.
McFarland, D. (1989b). Problems of animal behaviour. New York: John Wiley & Sons.
McCleery, R. H. (1989). Review of Colgan 1989. Animal Behaviour, 38, 1091-1092.
McGrew, W. C. (1992). Chimpanzee material culture: Implications for human Evolution. New York:Cambridge University Press.
Michel, G. F. (1991). Human psychology and the minds of other animals. In C. A. Ristau (Ed.), Cognitive ethology: The minds of other animals. Essays in honor of Donald R. Griffin (pp. 253-272). Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Millikan, R. G. (1984). Language, thought, and other biological categories: New foundations for realism. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Mitchell, R. (1986). A framework for discussing deception. In R. W. Mitchell & N. S. Thompson (Eds.), Deception: Perspectives on human and nonhuman deceit (pp. 3-40). New York: SUNY Press.
Montgomery, S. (1991). Walking with the great apes: Jane Goodall, Dian Fossey, and Biruté Galdikas. New York: SUNY Press.
Morgan, C. L. (1984). An introduction to comparative psychology. London: Walter Scott.
Myers, G. (1990). Writing biology: Texts in the social construction of knowledge. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
Pepperberg, I. (1990). Some cognitive capacities of an African grey parrot (Psittacus erithacus). Advances in the Study of Behavior, 19, 357-409.
Peters, C. (1991). Apes, humans, and culture: What primatological discourse tells us about ourselves. In J. D. Loy & C. B. Peters (Eds.), Understanding Behavior: What Primate Studies Tell Us About Human Behavior (pp. 243-255). New York: Oxford University Press.
Phillips, M. T. (1993). Proper names and the social construction of biography: The negative case of laboratory animals. Qualitative Sociology, 16, In press.
Premack, D. (1988). "Does the chimpanzee have a theory of mind?" revisited. In R. Byrne & A. Whiten (Eds.), Machiavellian Intelligence: Social Expertise and the Evolution of Intellect in Monkeys,Apes, and Humans (pp. 160-179). New York: Oxford University Press.
Rachels, J. (1990). Created from animals: The moral implications of Darwinism. New York: Oxford University Press.
Real, L. A. (1992). Information processing and the evolutionary ecology of cognitive architecture. American Naturalist, 140, S108-S145.
Ridley, M. (1992). Review of Kennedy 1992. Nature, 359, 280.
Ristau, C. (Ed.) (1991a). Cognitive ethology: The minds of other animals. sssays in honor of Donald R. Griffin. Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Ristau, C. (1991b). Aspects of the cognitive ethology of an injury-feigning bird, the piping plovers. In C. A. Ristau (Ed.), Cognitive ethology: The minds of other animals. Essays in honor of Donald R. Griffin. (pp. 91-126). Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Roitblat, H. L., & von fersen, L. (1992). Comparative cognition: Representations and processes in learning and memory. Annual Review of Psychology, 43, 671-710.
Rosenberg, A. (1990). Is there an evolutionary biology of play? In M. Bekoff & D. Jamieson (Eds.), Interpretation and explanation in the study of animal behavior: Vol. 1, Interpretation, intentionality, and communication (pp. 180- 196). Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
Seyfarth. R. M., Cheney, D. L., & Marler, P. (1980). Vervet monkey alarm calls: Semantic communication in a free-ranging primate. Animal Behaviour, 28, 1070-1094.
Singer, P. (1992). Bandit and friends. The New York Review of Books, 9 April, 9-13.
Snowdon, C. T. (1991). Review of Ristau 1991a. Science, 251, 813-814..
Timberlake, W. (1990). Natural learning in laboratory paradigms. In D. A. Dewsbury (Ed.), Contemporary Issues in Comparative Psychology (pp. 7-54). Sunderland, Massachusetts: Sinauer Associates, Inc.
de Waal, F. B. (1991). Complementary methods and convergent evidence in the study of primate social cognition. Behaviour, 118, 297-320.
Whiten, A. (1992). Review of Griffin 1992. Nature, 360, 118-119.
Whiten, A. (1993). Evolving a theory of mind: the nature of non-verbal mentalism in other primates. In S. Baron-Cohen, H. Tager-Flusberg, & D. J. Cohen (Eds.), Understanding Other Minds: Perspectives From Autism (pp. 367-396). New York: Oxford University Press.
Williams, G. C. (1992). Natural selection: Domains, levels, and challenges. New York: Oxford University Press.
Yoerg, S. I. (1991). Ecological frames of mind: the role of cognition in behavioral ecology. Quarterly Review of Biology, 66, 287-301.
Yoerg, S. I. (1992). Review of Griffin 1992. Science, 258, 830-831.
Yoerg, S. I. & Kamil, A. C. (1991). Integrating cognitive ethology with cognitive psychology. In C. A. Ristau (Ed.), Cognitive ethology: The minds of other animals. Essays in honor of Donald R. Griffin (pp.273-289). Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Zabel, C. J., Glickman, S. E., Frank, L. G., Woodmansee, K. B., & Keppel, G. (1992). Coalition formation in a colony of prepubertal hyenas. In A. H. Harcourt & F. B. deWaal (Eds.), Coalitions and Alliances in Humans and Other Animals (pp. 114- 135). New York: Oxford University Press.
Zuckerman, Lord (1991). Review of Cheney & Seyfarth 1990. New York Review of Books, May, 43-49.
Need to update a veterinary or herp society/rescue listing?
Can't find a vet on my site? Check out these other sites.
|Clean/Disinfect||Green Iguanas & Cyclura||Kids||Prey||Veterinarians|
|Home||About Melissa Kaplan||CND||Lyme Disease||Zoonoses|
|Help Support This Site||Emergency Preparedness|
© 1994-2014 Melissa Kaplan or as otherwise noted by other authors of articles on this site